Ghedli’s Immaculate Deception

In contrast, the Italian held Eritrean territory, which was poor in wood resources, coal-use appeared to be the only option. The paradox here is, according to Boerma Pauline, the propagation of the enduring myth of a “dense vegetation cover” by various foreign powers, the current state and some among the public. This narration led her to write her thesis book Seeing the wood for Trees: Deforestation in the Central Highlands of Eritrea Since 1890. For political expediency, she further argued the various occupying powers and the current government of Eritrea adopted what seems to be a poorly substantiated claim.

Seeing the trees for wood

Boerma’s excellent field study area and her conclusion, though restricted to a portion of the southern Highlands, may be a good representative. Her systematic comparison of various landscape pictures, which were taken almost forty years apart, (between the early sixties, and late 90s) leaves the legend of the “thick forests” in Eritrea in tatters. Her simple explanation is that semi-arid Eritrea is too dry to support such type of vegetation. What Eritrea had, lost and regained during the last few decades were, she asserted, simply scattered enclaves located around some micro-climates. Although I lack the expertise, her findings seem to be accurate. It reminds me of Henry Salt’s drawings of the landscape around the Tigray region, which I perused not long ago, which show promontories with scarce vegetation cover in Tigray. Never mind that it portrayed the land south of Eritrea only, for Geographers, the highlands in Eritrea are simply a natural extension of the Ethiopian highlands. Despite the evidence to the contrary, the myth has remained a state dogma. The dogma is so contagious that it has also afflicted Menghis TM, the prolific writer, and “myth” destroyer at Awate.com. While staunchly critiquing, the infatuation of many Eritreans with the traditional land tenure systems, he has blindly accepted the myth of deforestation (the legend of the loss of forest cover from 30% to less than 13 or 1% about one hundred years ago.)

The “disjunction” between the realty on the ground, and what Boerma called “the learned memory” may be described as simply “romanticizing“ the landscape of the country, and be ignored . After all, was it not inherent in all nationalists. What is most scandalous and very dismaying is the persistent, and stubborn attempt of many folks to either whitewash or to describe the dark days of the ghedli as only an aberration. They have chosen to imagine Eritrea’s armed struggle epoch not unlike to its starlit heavens, completely unmindful to the “Black Hole” that it was. The horror of what happened in the ghedli era, and after, is unparalleled. The degree may defer, but nearly most of us collaborated and abetted in the execution of the immaculate deception that the whole ghedli was. Hence, like many traumatized people during the Age of Faith, who were often observed crying “penitente” in Latin, we have both to own our perfidy, and unashamedly flog our numbed psyche.

Shitara Sewra:

Our ghedli organization has a fascination all of its own for many including those who oppose the regime. The believers’ simple and superficial comparison of the EPLF with the practice and behavior of other rebel organizations, that are still wrecking havoc has led them into a wrong conclusion. Unlike their cousin rebel outfits in the continent, the EPLF and the ELF had departments that on the surface appear created to protect the weak and disadvantaged demographic groups. A trick they acquired from other left oriented organizations. These departments are nothing but colorful beads, shiny trinkets, and cowries not unlike the practice of the old European explorers cum merchants who used them to swindle the natives of Africa and Asia. Our ghedli operators became so good at it that left oriented individuals and parliamentarians from the West never forgot to stop at these places in the Sahel. Their deceptive cloaks were very effective, and the litany of their deceit bottomless.

In the sixties, the Swedish aid project popularly known as ESBU was instrumental in building very sturdy elementary school buildings in both Eritrea and Ethiopia. Remote and mountainous villages were the beneficiaries of this project. Unfortunately, most of these schools gradually started closing from intimidation, lack of teachers and the general war atmosphere. Frequent guerrilla presence and their need for shelter made the school premises an occasional dormitory. Their most tragic fate was, however, when they were used as a holding place for the armed organization, whose appetite for conscripts was increasing. The horror of this is unimaginable, when juxtaposed with the façade they covered themselves for the gullible public.

The armed organizations were ostensibly running “schools for children” popularly know to some as Bet Temherti Sewra/Keyahti Embaba, or Tsebah in Jebha. Their real purpose, described by one of the “school’s” victims at Assenna.com a few months ago was very remarkable. He said, the “school” was instead “an incubator for the war furnace of the EPLF”, where teen aged children were inspected like sheep for slaughter. It was the precursor of the infamous Sawa. Our women folk were not spared either.

The morale debaucheries such as prostitution, rape and stupendous number of children out of wedlock has now marred Eritrea. The precedent for this social malaise was none other the military, and the controlled culture for social experiment in the dejen of the Sahel. Unlike the medieval armies, and the contemporary rebel bands in Africa, who are rightly associated for pillage and sexual depredations, the simple and effective ploy of the EPLF and ELF in establishing impotent “women’s organization” spared their scrutiny. Not only that, it even earned them some laurels among some progressive circles. In the EPLF camp, women fighters were often pressurized or enticed for sexual offers, a practice which the same organization loves the ELF to label with. EPLF’s duplicity is unfathomable.

In his recent articles, Tewelde Stiphanos questioned many statements of the regime for their veracity. I surmise, he would agree with me when I share an anecdote that occurred during ghedli. In the late 80s, food and access to water was very acute in both Eritrea and Ethiopia. The public in the West and the UN were quick to supply adequate grain despite the logistical problems caused by the warring parties. What the EPLF did was very grim and must not be left unmentioned. A fleet of trucks laden with grain for the famine stricken, with the largely painted UN logos on them, left Asmera to the south. Though close to twenty trucks were without the Derg’s military convoy, they were set to fire with all their precious cargo. As to who the intended beneficiaries were, I am not certain. The TPLF stated it was for the people in northern Tigray, and was very embittered since then.

This led to an outcry from the outside world, and EPLF’s incredulous excuse was that arms were secretly hidden in them for the Derg. Many decent people accepted this explanation. Out of reflex, I remember disputing the EPLF version, resulting in a bitter quarrel with a dear friend. The cherished parents of the “martyrs” were also conned by the EPLF.

Not long after the list of the thousands of the war dead or the “martyrs” was read a medebesi proclamation was published in Hadas Eritrea. To this day, I doubt whether my eyes have correctly read the dollar amounts promised for the surviving parents. The figure was USD 20,000.00. An incredible sum! This from a guerrilla organization that often swears it was “down and out” except for its multitude of Kalashnikov rifles. The exact amount turned out to be only 10,000.00 birr (if both parents survive) and 5,000.00 birr for a single parent. Has anybody raised this issue ever? Or whispered, to be exact. We can not attribute this ruse to a typo error at Hadas Eritrea. Nonetheless, this sublime silence and subterfuge required the collaboration of the extremely cowed public and the gutless elite. No wonder, many tegadelti were often heard bragging about “Shitara Sewra.”

Shitara Sewra reaches Asmara

Our mustachioed leader has stopped holding meetings with his poor subjects for more than a decade. The well choreographed town meetings full of his diatribes are no more. Do a little effort to pick your thread of memories and you would recall Isaias’ tirade about the promissory notes made during the ghedli era. This was news to me, for the guerrilla economy I knew was entirely based on tribute. Though issued to the public in exchange for some scarce asset, the perfidious state was quick to breach the trust. In one of his tirades about the “spoiled” public, and to pre-empt any claims, he attacked the “gall” of the note holders, who allegedly asked for the promissory notes to be honored. Indeed, EPLF’s act of subterfuge had no limits. The land for housing fraud is worth describing.

At the whim of Isaias, Dr. Tesfai Girmasion, was summarily removed from his post at the Ministry of Agriculture and appointed as a minister to the new Ministry of Land and Environment without being frozen. Mostly passive and clueless to the inner working of the state, Asmara residents were desperate for dwelling places and eager for any solution. Some who pride themsleves as authentic Asmarinos were forced to rent houses in the distant suburbs such as Tseada Kristian. An acquaintance, who is a mechanic by profession, accepted his condition with a sense of humor. He wears his leather shoes in the city, he regaled us once, and switches to his sneakers once he embarks the dirt road to the village. Independence brought down-ward social mobility to the poor bloke and made him wedi kebabi!

The new Land Tsar was busy giving interviews to the state media about land allotments for housing. It was followed by a “seminar” given by one of his notorious deputies Girmai Beyene. The public was in a frenzy, and rushed to the little HIGDEF propaganda kiosques to collect the application forms and pay the application fees due. To the dismay of Asmera inhabitants, eti seba’y suddenly appeared on TV and announced that he has “stopped the motore.” Incredible to everybody’s ear, he pretended to have no knowledge of the thing and put the blame on his poor cabinet member. The Land Tsar was once again reshuffled to some desk at the foreign ministry. A prelude to his assignment as ambassador in EU and final exile. No apologies were made to the land applicants and, worse, their application fees were made kumar! (a familiar word among Asmarinos.) What happened to the now brittle and yellowing promissory notes was to be the fate of what some call the “sacred” constitution of Eritrea.

Who is fooled by whom?

This notable phrase was made by Dr. Bereket Habte sellassie, who likewise coddles the new promissory note fetish-like. Our aging professor had a long lasting relationship with the EPLF, and his resume is crowded with it. For a brief period, he had also stayed at Sahel before he luckily got the precious pass for abroad. It is true that the good doctor can not read the law in Sahel, the Oath of Hippocrates notwithstanding. Despite the fact that countless innocents were disarmed, kept inside hastily built acacia fences and either made to disappear or to lose their senses for ever.

The Inquisition of the Middle Ages was a horror. Nonetheless, the victims at least had the solace of knowing the reason for their custody for being “heretics.” The Halewa Sewra operatives in the Sahel were a rung lower. They ask their victims this way: what brought you here? Or you know what you did? Not only is the burden of proof on the prisoners, but also the crime they were arrested for. Under such condition, the elite class that preceded Dr. Bereket to Sahel, and others from all walks of life were decimated in the hands of the strongman with the sheriff moustache, and the few who survived it were left shaken and quaking. The “rebel” lawyer understandably kept a low profile or conformed. What is unforgivable was what he did since!

In the book, Conflict In the Horn of Africa, a short poem was penned by none other than Dr. Bereket. Incredulously, it was an ode to the Sahel, the Dante type inferno that he luckily extricated himself not long ago. When the custodian of the Sahel horror chambers came with the most grandiose ploy, that is the writing of the “Eritrean Constitution”, he and many others were ready for hire, and loyally served the role assigned to them. It, however, resulted in anti climax. Their lawless boss chose to sit on the teyki ( a horse blanket) or what they call the “sacred” constitution. What did the professor did this time? Well, he went back to his book writing, and screamed “Immaculate Deception!”

What is aching the Professor? Not the farce that the “Eritrean Constitution” was, but a little forgotten date! He is lamenting about a non-event. After all, did not countless military coups of every sort in Africa and elsewhere happen with the disbandment of a parliament and suspension of a constitution? What would stop Isaias from thrashing the “Eritrean Constitution” even after its implementation? Nothing! Dr. Bereket and his fellow minded must surely be detached from the realty! As his boss once said. What happened in west Africa about a month ago is quite sobering.

The new junta in Guinea launched a brazen and open savagery in the capital. National stadiums are often the preferred place for dictators to rant as it has been for our dictator. In a sad mockery the caricature of the modern nation-state mimicked from Europe exposed itself once again. The Guinea junta went berserk when its goons not only killed and wounded hundreds of peacefully protesting people in the country‘s national stadium, but performed sex orgies in broad daylight.

And yet Dr. Bereket has the gumption to define the early post ghedli era as “In Eritrea, 2 plus 2 = 5”, that is as a country of hope. Never mind, it was during which land cruisers were often picking innocent citizens at night, and to their final disappearance. Never mind that Commercial Banks in the country had very high liquidity, and capital flight was growing to the relatively better accommodating Adis Abeba due to the hostile atmosphere for all types of businesses. Never mind, the poor blood of the disabled tegadelti that was spilled around Mai Habar was fresh in the public memory.

The date fetish

In my early childhood, I happened to see a history book of my older brother the March of Time. Though most of the stuff was incomprehensible to me, the numerous colorful illustrations were an exception. My age group were not lucky, however. For the books dispensed were mostly dull looking, and the history teachers loved to give tests full of history dates. It was nightmarish to memorize the date of battles, the reign of kings and treaties. Study by rote has left an indelible mark on our generation and left us mediocre.

In my exile years, I found myself reading the great book on totalitarianism by George Orwell. 1984. A date for a title of a book which might not seem recommendable. Orwell’s book has, however, remained an exception and has remained etched into the minds of many of millions of readers for decades.

Suppose Isaias agreed to 1997 or 1998 for the implementation of the “Eritrean Constitution”, and chose to ignore it after. What would keep the deception that occurred in “1997” or “1998” for simply being as part and parcel of the whole caboodle that the Shitara Sewra was. Like Dr. Bereket, many others have also their particular “Immaculate Deception” dates such as 1970 the year the Isaias group split from Jebha, or 1994 the year the PFDJ was established, or 1998 the year of the conflict with the TPLF led regime in Ethiopia. They equally seem to suffer from some kind of fixation with particular episodes, oblivious to the pattern and magnitude of the ruse.

The waiting game

The rise of the Derg and its various draconian economic policies predictably resulted in the price rise of goods for the inhabitants of Adis Abeba. Pestered by complaining customers for the price of eggs, a certain Gurage kiosque operator with a sense of humor allegedly said, “Derg yaskakale enji enqulal yetelal aluh ende.” The clueless but arrogant military clan who took over in Eritrea faithfully treaded their foot steps. It was the Age of Macro-policy and Aladdin like vision. While the rest of the world was in intense competition for foreign investment with good infrastructure, skilled manpower and a safe environment, the roosters in Asmera proposed strange conditions. Investors were required to build their factories twenty or more kilometers outside the capital city and were expected to provide their own energy needs. Unsurprisingly, nobody showed up except the few shady Mafia enterprises from our old colonial power that showed up lately.

Instead of the promised industrial parks, we now have scores of secret prisons outside the city of Asmara. Thanks to the satellite map obtained from an Italian newspaper, and published at Delina.org, Gulag like prisons are all over the country. A powerful exhibit of a totalitarian state. True, every country has its own prisons, and like the state, incarceration facilities have not faded away. What make the Eritrean prisons unique is their rapid growth and the colossal number of their inmates.

This writer and many others have shared a lot of anecdotes at several of the Eritrean Diaspora websites. Our humble efforts in exposing the regime, and providing the necessary “facts” for any reconciliation projects is lately getting frowned on. The facile retort is, “Let’s leave such stuff to history or historians” and move on. The irony of it is that their nemesis shares their sentiment. Let’s make a deal, we would refrain from writing anecdotes if you admit the deceptions of ghedli as its systemic nature.

Asked by Reuters about human rights and the G-15 in Eritrea, Isaias glibly dismissed it as “history.” He may be right. The odds are against us for many witnesses, participants of the ghedli and countless gebar are aging and passing away. The dictator is biding his time and betting on his longevity of life as Awate.com once warned. And ominously, the lack of institutions, and the dearth of historians will soon deal us a fatal blow when the public is left with only what Boerma termed “learned memory.” We blindly plowed our way through myriad twists and turns in the search of the “city at the hill”, without recognizing each other. Ali Salim’s bitter denunciation of a sector of the population as “land-grubbers” must therefore not shock us.

The Pen

Here is for the Pen that wrote the ode for the “Sahel Man,” but is lately howling for the wrong “immaculate deception”, that is for the “day of implementation“ of the constitution left out or conveniently forgotten for the whims of the dictator. Does this poem by Osip Mandelstam aptly describe and fit our home grown tyrant? Is it a mirror reflecting the image of the Pen’s latter Crown. The agile mind of the former attorney general would not miss it. He surely must look familiar except his shiny boots, and a few other details.

 We live, deaf to the land beneath us,

Ten steps away no one hears our speeches,

All we hear is the Kremlin mountaineer,

The murderer and peasant-slayer.

His fingers are fat as grubs

And the words, final as lead weights, fall from his lips,

His cockroach whiskers leer

And his boot tops gleam.

Around him a rabble of thin-necked leaders-

Fawning half-men for him to play with.

They whinny, purr or whine

As he prates and points a finger,

One by one forging his laws, to be flung

Like horseshoes at the head, the eye or the groin.

And every killing is a treat

For the broad-chested Ossete.

Post Script: The narration for this article benefited from this recent excellent article “kab Shitara sewra Shitara Asmera” by Solomon Ghebreyesus at Assenna.com. Congratulations! For your great escape, Solomon, and for your gem story.