The Bishoftu Initiative of the Eritrean Youth Forum: An Interrupted Expedition into the Elusive?

The Bishoftu Initiative of the Eritrean Youth Forum: An Interrupted Expedition into the Elusive?

By Bereket Berhane

A few days back a new political movement was launched. Another addition into what is an already crowded national roster. Participants at the first Eritrean Youth Solidarity for National Salvation (EYSNS) congress being held in the northern Ethiopian city of Mekelle have just decided to turn the young association into a political movement - a vanguard political party of the youth and lead by the youth - which, they claim, is expected to help bring about a speedy revolutionary change in Eritrea.

With respect to what fresh advantages this latest addition will bring to the struggle for democratic change in Eritrea, there is too little behind the fuzzy rhetoric and it is also too early to give a sound opinion. And, besides, this is not the purpose of my writing. But something very important and central to the issue has been drowned out and abandoned by the whole fumbled process that culminated with the formation of this new political movement. A clear reflection of this something can be found in the meeting hall at Mekelle where EYSNS is holding its congress: all of the organizers of the initial forum, all of the individuals who were elected to facilitate the forum and the group discussions, and the majority of the original participants have stayed away from this congress. This is telling. There is something that is very flawed here.

Why were the majority of the inaugural forum participants left out? What could be the reasons?

Ever since its conception around two years back, EYSNS has been plagued by a series of internal and external squabbles, accusations and counter accusations, conflicting reports and letters, denunciations, withdrawals, and fractures. What's more, the inaugural of this association into the virtual space, especially on Facebook and the Paltalk rooms, has been immediately followed by a misdirected fervour that continues to pit feuding groups one against the other. In fact, EYSNS and its affairs have now come to signify a topic that is highly emotional, divisive, and controversial. The continuing silence of most of the organizers of the Bishoftu forum and others privy to this issue have made it difficult to get a clear picture on the ongoing debate on EYSNS.

I was one of the participants at the inaugural forum that led to the formation of EYSNS and, until my sidelining around three months back, I had served in the EYSNS Board as its chairperson. After this episode I had three options: (1) to shut-up and remain silent; (2) to try to clarify the issue based on objective and principled arguments; or (3) as has become vogue, to start haranguing either one of the feuding groups.

So far, I had kept silent. Now, however, I am choosing option number two-for the following three reasons: first, as an elected member of the Board I have a responsibility and an as-yet-undelivered-obligation to the majority who entrusted their instructions on the Board I was chairing; second, the ongoing dispute, differences, and accusations are not over minor and negligible issues. These are very profound and fundamental issues. Principles, integrity, convictions and dedication to the cause for democratic change make it imperative that I state openly my views; and third, I believe that what happened in the aftermath of the Bishoftu forum and its rational analysis will provide another much needed and current perspective on the general trend in our politics.

Background

EYSNS is a child of the Eritrean Youth Forum which was held in July 2012 at Bishoftu (Debre-Zeit), a small town around 40 kilometers to the south-east of the Ethiopian capital, Addis-Ababa. The main purpose of this forum, which was intended by its organizers to be another important part of the ongoing efforts to strengthen and consolidate the forces for democratic change in Eritrea, was to deliberate, brainstorm and chart novel and pragmatic ways by which the burgeoning and ascendant youth activism can help re-focus, complement, and move forward the stalled political process that had so far failed to transmit what is an almost general public discontent with the status quo into the unity of purpose and decisive action needed in order to answer the needs and aspirations of the Eritrean people.

This meeting was held at a time when Eritrea’s worsening humanitarian crisis and the plight of fleeing refugees in general, and, particularly, the shocking and sordid details of the ordeal of refugees from the Sinai had started to make headlines in the major international media outlets. And, throughout the ten days of the meeting (July 7-17, 2012), there was a general sense of identification with this ‘faceless’ victims, and this was partly reflected in the urgency and determination to form a new association-EYSNS; an organization that all hoped would play a key role towards prioritizing, addressing and ameliorating this ongoing frustrations, hopelessness and suffering of the hidden masses.

For far too long the political discourse has largely remained dislocated, disjointed, and indifferent to the suffering of the masses. For far too long Eritrean politics and its multi-weakness (-inability to manage societal cleavages, elitist and individualistic drift, obsession with history, chronic infighting, blatant disregard of democratic norms and principles, and others) have made it unable to come to terms with its past, grapple with the current reality, and chart for a better future. The formation of EYSNS was expected to create a favourable and all-inclusive platform for the diverse and flourishing youth associations and groups that have a stake in the struggle for democratic change. It was meant to be an autonomous association of Eritrean youth which-unencumbered by the weight of history and the polarized politics of the old-was hoped to reconcile the fragmented opposition politics by injecting the pragmatic, coherent and purposeful energy of the young.

To this effect and to carry out its clear and specific instructions, the forum participants created a transitional 20+1 member (the latter being a vacant and symbolic seat for the Eritrean youth at home) Board, who were partly elected and partly volunteers, with more than half a dozen members coming from the Eritrean refugee community in Ethiopia. This Board was given a one-year legal time period to carry out the mandates of the house, the most noteworthy of which were:

• To start the process of laying down the structural foundations that will eventually form the organization’s institution. This include: guaranteeing effective and equal participation of all members in all associational deliberations and decisions; ensuring all members have a clear understanding, equal say and control in the development of all important policy issues; instituting a process that ensures a fair and inclusive representation at the on-coming congress (including a balanced congress preparatory committee); draft and ratify legal papers ( including by-law and constitution) that affirm, among others, adherence to mandates, uphold organizational principles, ensure accountability, provide transparency, and give legitimacy to the organization.
• To prepare a smooth ground for an all-inclusive Congress which was scheduled to be held within one year after the forum, at least by July 2013 (almost one year over-due). To this effect, to initiate constructive engagement with all youth associations which are working towards the realization of democratic change in Eritrea, including the ones which were represented at the Bishoftu forum and those which, for many reasons, were not able to participate at the forum.
• To facilitate the preparation of a draft charter that will provide the overall vision, guiding principles and aims of the organization and all its members. To this effect to arrange consultative workshops, and to compile the draft charter- the final content of which will be decided at the on-coming congress-based on the recommendations and suggestions of experienced politicians, intellectuals and other notable and knowledgeable individuals from across the political spectrum.

Hijacked Mission and Dashed Expectations

So had the Bishoftu youth forum achieved its stated objectives, as expected?

Today there are claims that EYSNS has become the most diverse, inclusive, and popular Eritrean youth organization with almost 90 chapters spread across the globe. There are also counter-claims that EYSNS has been hijacked by a small group that had used the Bishoftu forum only as a façade to enact its hidden, narrow, and exclusivist agenda.

In order to arrive at the facts/truths, there is a need for objectively assessing the performance of the organization vis-à-vis its stated aims, a rational analysis that must be based on certain, clear, and relatively measurable parameters. Accordingly, I will use the following four benchmarks which I believe are quite appropriate, objective, and measurable enough to help us arrive at a fair judgement.

1) Laying Down Institutional Foundations: EYSNS was created on shaky foundations, with total absence of organizational arrangements, procedures, and practices. This was a reflection of the total lack of organic development and synthesis in its hasty formation. As stipulated in one of the mandates mentioned above, the Board was expected, at a minimum, to achieve certain degree of order by the institutionalisation of processes that make achievement of the stated organizational objectives possible, ensure equal and effective participation, ensure awareness and control over policy issues (including development of charter, media policy, relations, and others), and which sets limits and constraints on individual actions.

All factual evidence indicate that the Board has failed in this respect. Important policies (including organizational charter, constitution, and media - among many others) were drawn and carried out without Board oversight, let alone the wider and far-flung members. The Board watched feebly- repeatedly ignored and bypassed-and finally lost control as the organization ossified around a narrow and factional body that was left free and unhindered to enact on its own agenda.

2) Ensuring Inclusiveness: The Bishoftu forum, like any other such political gathering, had also many of its drawbacks and limitations. One of these was the lack of fair and balanced representation. There were around 200 participants at the inaugural gathering, largely diaspora Eritreans who came from all corners of the globe, and many of these belonged to political parties and associations organized to protect and promote their specific concerns: civic, ethnic, religious, and other. Many youth associations have sent delegates to the forum and EYGM’s (Eritrean Youth Global Movement) representation at the forum was very conspicuous.

Again, as mentioned in the mandates, the Board was instructed to reach out to all youth associations and improve on the lopsided nature of the Bishoftu forum by ensuring a balanced, fair and all-inclusive representation at the first and foundational congress of the association. One of the mechanisms for ensuring this is the creation of an independent and well balanced Congress Preparatory Committee (CPC). The Board also utterly failed in this aspect, as an impromptu CPC, especially accountable to the executive head, was formed; and, thus, exacerbating the restrictive, exclusionary, and factional atmosphere within the organization.

3) Drafting and Ratifying Constitutional Edifices: This task was also another mandate in which the Board has failed in its responsibility. All the legal documents of the organization were prepared and ‘implemented’ without proper procedures that ensure awareness, deliberation, satisfaction and agreement of the Board and other members. They were constantly changed to satisfy the whims and wants of the executive, and they were not enforceable at any rate.

4) Competency and Dedication of Board Members: Eventually, even having a stolid organizational edifice with a sound institutional framework to strengthen it will amount to nothing if the body created to oversee the normal functioning of the association is not fit for the job. The Board created at Bishoftu was anything but competent and fit. More than half of the Board members were either inactive or non-functional throughout the two years. The executive body was mostly a one-man show, operating at its own discretion, and without any Board supervision. Consequently, throughout its two-year existence, the Board repeatedly failed to enact its own decisions, sometimes even colluding against its very own decisions. Largely uninformed, demotivated, and ineffectual, the Board of EYSNS never lived up to its name.

Unfinished Journey: No One-Way Road to Plurality

And, thus, as all the above factors indicate, the Bishoftu initiative “has come to no good-end.” It has evolved to become another perfect example of a pattern we have come to know so well. Now, don’t get me wrong here. I am not against the formation of a political party that aims to fight the forces of injustice at home. Any group (-be it ethnic, religious, regional or other) has an inalienable right to form its own organization (-civic, political, or whatever) according to the philosophies and practices it deems fit for itself. I don’t have any qualms about this. But I am against hijacking/stealing what was a novel project.

I am strongly objecting to what has happened in Mekelle because the Bishoftu forum was simply not about creating just another political party. Not at all! It was about a grass-roots movement that works towards bringing together a house divided against itself. It was not about a virtual hype and claim to popularity that is largely mythical and unfounded-a house of cards. It was about the objective and sombre reality on the ground, a daily reality that all of us know so well-the suspicion, mistrust, hate, and petty squabbling that has gone berserk in all the cities, towns, hamlets, and neighbourhoods all over the globe. Bishoftu was about bringing coherence and new focus to this fragmented diaspora voices-a fresh sense of purpose that brings the ‘faceless victim’ into the central stage; it was about a concerted and multi-pronged campaign (humanitarian, diplomatic, community mobilization, fund-raising …) that nudges opposition politics from its slumber, suffocates the illegal regime at home and brings hope to the silently suffering masses.

Yes! Bishoftu was not about further exacerbating an already hyper-polarized political atmosphere. It was not about creating yet many more artificial cleavages by engaging in vague rhetoric intended to articulate, defend and reinforce these largely fake differences, which are the very symptoms and signs of the disease Bishoftu affirmed to fight and cure. It was not about mere rambling in the language of openness, plurality, and inclusiveness. It was about creating bridges-acknowledging, reconciling and accommodating societal diversity, and working towards a consensual and accomodating atmosphere.

Bishoftu was not about an ambitious leap into what has now become a vogue-creating new political parties and youth associations, churning out vague revolutionary rhetoric, and noisy polemical diatribes in virtual houses that never close their doors 24/7. It was about acknowledging our human fallibility and taking fairly rational steps. It was about learning from past and current mistakes. It was not about taking huge leaps and strides. It was about taking small-but concrete, gradual, and incremental steps that produce a profound (-even revolutionary) change that makes an impact in the life of that “faceless victim.”

As a final point, Bishoftu’s novel dream of bringing the diverse Eritrean youth forces closer seems, in many ways, to grow fainter and fainter by the day. But even if this initiative has so far proven elusive and is nowhere fully realized, we still have so much to learn from the course of events. And it is only by learning from our mistakes, making the necessary corrections, and adjusting our course that we can make the elusive possible. The journey has been interrupted and is still unfinished. Now the mission’s success or failure is going to depend on the will and perseverance of the sensible majority. And succeed they must, because the alternative is really unattractive and grim.

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